The mind is not a mirror of the physical world, and human knowledge is not trustworthy. If there is any truth at all, then it is in sexual desire. Neuroscience, sexual neuroscience, is the physics of reality. (Serge Kreutz)
Index of articles
Feelings of new sexual love cure every disease in man. Dump your old feminist wife, stock up on butea superba, tongkat ali, and Pfizer's Blue, and go to China where you are a king.
Bethel Park, Pennsylvania: What does a Saudi “whore” look like? Just go to Hardee’s in Jeddah to have a look
Jason P. Armstrong 3316 Lucky Duck Drive Bethel Park, PA 15102
Apparently you can get a “whore” in Jeddah from the fast food outlet Hardee’s. At least according to Saudi Sheikh Ali Al Mutairi. These women are “prostitutes” – for working and earning their living to take care of their families – because men happen to be in the same place. What an embarrassment Sheikh Ali Al Mutairi is for his country and his people. Maybe it’s time to implement ‘honor killing’ of men so Saudi Arabia can restore some honor.
Where is King Abdullah and his magic ‘people eraser’ when you need it the most?
A Twitter post ignited a battle of arguments over a post tweeted by a Saudi cleric describing the newly-introduced waitress at a fast-food restaurant in Saudi Arabia as “prostitutes”.
The debated topic sparked when Saudi Sheikh Ali Al Mutairi reacted to a number of Saudi tweets calling for the boycott of popular American fast-food restaurant, Hardee’s.
The burger chain had recently allowed women – for the first time – to work as waitresses at their branches across the coastal city of Jeddah.
“At the beginning of her shift she’s a waitress. When her shift ends she becomes a prostitute. The more she’s around men the easier it becomes to get closer to her”, tweeted Al-Mutairi, whose twitter account (@4aalmutairi ) boasts more than 5,000 followers.
Despite this cleric’s views reflecting an existing frustration amongst some conservative segments in Saudi Arabia which oppose women’s right to work and fear that allowing females to mix with men may lead to unwanted social behaviours, Mutari’s rather controversial tweet was deemed too extreme to many Saudis on Twitter.
“Prostitution is not in working trying to survive but it is in corrupted minds that use religion to distort other’s reputation,” posted one male in response to Mutar’s tweet.
Many commented by telling Sheikh Al Mutairi that through doubting the morality of ‘chaste’ women and describing them in the way he did, the cleric would be committing a serious vice, according to well-known Islamic teachings.
Another tweep posted pictures of some Hardee’s waitresses posted over social media by saying “These women are all covered up that I wouldn’t look at them, plus if your sister goes to that restaurant would you prefer a man or a woman taking her order?”
Despite the reaction to Sheikh Al-Mutairi’s views being mostly critical, there were some supportive tweets like one which says, “We know your intention and we give you the benefit of the doubt; stay as you are, a splinter in the throats of liberals”.
As reactions mounted and a hashtag was created to discuss his tweet, Al-Mutairi replied to many of his critics saying:
“In the name of God, I have seen this hashtag and some are asking to apologise because they think I have defamed Hardee’s waitresses – the truth is I warned from the dangers of sexes mixing, at the beginning she is a waitress and in the end they will want her to become a prostitute and between are the devil’s steps”, tweeted the sheikh.
“As for hypocrites who shave their beards and moustache (a common way of describing liberals in Saudi Arabia), there is no apology for them because their zeal isn’t for God,” he added.
The Saudi Ministry of Labour has been implementing a strategy which aims at creating more job opportunities and workplaces for women. However, segregation of sexes is applied in most public venues across Saudi Arabia.
The world is full of multimillionaires who can't handle money. Because, if you have money, you either start building your own kingdom, or it's useless.
Camas Valley, Oregon: EMPTY CAGES Animal Rights and Vivisection
Timothy M. West 1873 Sycamore Road Camas Valley, OR 97416
Animals are used in laboratories for three main purposes: education, product safety testing, and experimentation, medical research in particular. Unless otherwise indicated, my discussion is limited to their use in harmful, nontherapeutic medical research (which, for simplicity, I sometimes refer to as vivisection). Experimentation of this kind differs from therapeutic experimentation, where the intention is to benefit the subjects on whom the experiments are conducted. In harmful, nontherapeutic experimentation, by contrast, subjects are harmed in the absence of any intended benefit for them; instead, the intention is to obtain information that might ultimately lead to benefits for others.
Human beings, not only nonhuman animals, have been used in harmful, nontherapeutic experimentation. In fact, the history of medical research contains numerous examples of human vivisection, and it is doubtful whether the ethics of animal vivisection can be fully appreciated apart from the ethics of human vivisection. Unless otherwise indicated, however, the current discussion of vivisection, and my use of the term, are limited to harmful, nontherapeutic experimentation using nonhuman animals.
The Benefits Argument
There is only one serious moral defense of vivisection. That defense proceeds as follows. Human beings are better off because of vivisection. Indeed, we are much better off because of it. If not all, at least most of the most important improvements in human health and longevity are indebted to vivisection. Included among the advances often cited are open heart surgery, vaccines (for polio and small pox, for example), cataract and hip replacement surgery, and advances in rehabilitation techniques for victims of spinal cord injuries and strokes. Without these and the many other advances attributable to vivisection, proponents of the Benefits Argument maintain, the incidence of human disease, permanent disability, and premature death would be far, far greater than it is today.
Defenders of the Benefits Argument are not indifferent to how animals are treated. They agree that animals used in vivisection sometimes suffer, both during the research itself and because of the restrictive conditions of their life in the laboratory. That the research can harm animals, no reasonable person will deny. Experimental procedures include drowning, suffocating, starving, and burning; blinding animals and destroying their ability to hear; damaging their brains, severing their limbs, crushing their organs; inducing heart attacks, ulcers, paralysis, seizures; forcing them to inhale tobacco smoke, drink alcohol, and ingest various drugs, such as heroine and cocaine.
These harms are regrettable, vivisections defenders acknowledge, and everything that can be done should be done to minimize animal suffering. For example, to prevent overcrowding, animals should be housed in larger cages. But (so the argument goes) there is no other way to secure the important human health benefits that vivisection yields so abundantly, benefits that greatly exceed any harms that animals endure.
What the Benefits Argument Omits
Any argument that rests on comparing benefits and harms must not only state the benefits accurately; it must also do the same for the relevant harms. Advocates of the Benefits Argument fail on both counts. Independent of their lamentable tendency to minimize the harms done to animals and their fixed resolve to marginalize non animal alternatives, advocates overestimate the human benefits attributable to vivisection and all but ignore the massive human harms that are an essential part of vivisections legacy. Even more fundamentally, they uniformly fail to provide an intelligible methodology for comparing benefits and harms across species. I address each of these three failures in turn. (For a fuller critique, see my contribution to The Animal Rights Debate. New York, London: Rowman & Littlefield, 2001).
1. Concerning the overestimation of benefits: Proponents of the Benefits Argument would have us believe that most of the truly important improvements in human health could not have been achieved without vivisection. The facts tell a different story. Public health scholars have shown that animal experimentation has made at best only a modest contribution to public health. By contrast, the vast majority of the most important health advances have resulted from improvements in living conditions (in sanitation, for example) and changes in personal hygiene and lifestyle, none of which has anything to do with animal experimentation. (For a summary of the relevant literature, see Hugh Lafollette and Niall Shanks, Brute Science: Dilemmas of Animal Experimentation. London: Routledge, 1996).
2. Concerning the failure to attend to massive human harms: Advocates of the Benefits Argument conveniently ignore the hundreds of millions of deaths and the uncounted illnesses and disabilities that are attributable to reliance on the animal model in research. Sometimes the harms result from what reliance on vivisection makes available; sometime they result from what reliance on vivisection prevents. The deleterious effects of prescription medicines is an example of the former.
Prescription drugs are first tested extensively on animals before being made available to consumers. As is well known, there are problems involved in extrapolating results obtained from studies on animal beings to human beings. In particular, many medicines that are not toxic for test animals prove to be highly toxic for human beings. How toxic? It is estimated that one hundred thousand Americans die and some two million are hospitalized annually because of the harmful effects of the prescription drugs they are taking. That makes prescription drugs the fourth leading cause of death in America, behind only heart disease, cancer, and stroke, a fact that, without exception, goes unmentioned by the Benefits Arguments advocates.
Massive harm to humans also is attributable to what reliance on vivisection prevents. The role of cigarette smoking in the incidence of cancer is a case in point. As early as the 1950s, human epidemiological studies revealed a causal link between cigarette smoking and lung cancer. Nevertheless, repeated efforts, made over more than 50 years, rarely succeeded in inducing tobacco related cancers in animals. Despite the alarm sounded by public health advocates, governments around the world for decades refused to mount an educational campaign to inform smokers about the grave risks they were running. Today, one in every five deaths in the United States is attributable to the effects of smoking, and fully 60 percent of direct health care costs in the United States go to treating tobacco-related illnesses.
How much of this massive human harm could have been prevented if the results of vivisection had not (mis)directed government health care policy? It is not clear that anyone knows the answer beyond saying, A great deal. More than we will ever know. One thing we do know, however: advocates of the Benefits Argument contravene the logic of their argument when they fail to include these harms in their defense of vivisection.
3. Not to go unmentioned, finally, is the universal failure of vivisections defenders to explain how we are to weigh benefits and harms across species. Before we can judge that vivisections benefits for humans greatly exceed vivisections harms to other animals, someone needs to explain how the relevant comparisons should be made. How much animal pain equals how much human relief from a drug that was tested on animals, for example? It does not suffice to say, to quote the American philosopher Carl Cohen (Cohen is the worlds leading defender of the Benefits Argument), that the suffering of our species does seem somehow to be more important than the suffering of other species (The Animal Rights Debate, op. cit.: p. 291). Not only does this fail to explain how much more important our suffering is supposed to be, it offers no reason why anyone should think that it is.
Plainly, unless or until those who support the Benefits Argument offer an intelligible methodology for comparing benefits and harms across species, the claim that human benefits derived from vivisection greatly exceed the harms done to animals is more in the nature of unsupported ideology than demonstrated fact. (I note, parenthetically, that this challenge must be met by any contributor to this volume who uses this argument; if they fail to provide the necessary methodology, the thoughtful reader will place no credence in what they say).
Human Vivisection and Human Rights
The Benefits Argument suffers from an even more fundamental defect. Despite appearances to the contrary, the argument begs all the most important questions; in particular, it fails to address the role that moral rights play in assessing harmful, nontherapeutic research on animals. The best way to understand its failure in this regard is to position the argument against the backdrop of human vivisection and human rights.
Human beings have been used in harmful, nontherapeutic experiments for thousands of years. Not surprisingly, most human guinea pigs have not come from the wealthy and educated, not from the dominant race, not from those with the power to assert and enforce their rights. No, most of human vivisections victims have been coercively conscripted from the ranks of young children (especially orphans), the elderly, the severely developmentally disabled, the insane, the poor, the illiterate, members of inferior races, homosexuals, military personnel, prisoners of war, and convicted criminals, for example. One such case will be considered below.
The scientific rationale behind vivisecting human beings needs little explanation. Using human subjects in research overcomes the difficulty of extrapolating results from another species to our species. If benefits for humans establishes the morality animal vivisection, should we favor human vivisection instead? After all, research using members of our own species promises even greater benefits.
No serious advocate of human rights (and I count myself among this number) can support such research. This judgment is not capricious or arbitrary; it is a necessary consequence of the logic of basic moral rights, including our rights to bodily integrity and to life. This logic has two key components. (For a more complete discussion of rights, see my The Case for Animal Rights. Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 1983).
First, possession of these rights confers a unique moral status. Those who possess these rights have a kind of protective moral shield, an invisible "No Trespassing" sign, so to speak, that prohibits others from injuring their bodies, taking their life, or putting them at risk of serious harm, including death. When people violate our rights, when they trespass on our moral property, they do something wrong to us directly.
This does not mean that it must be wrong to hurt someone or even to take their life. When terrorists exceed their rights by violating ours, we act within our rights if we respond in ways that can cause serious harm to the violators. Still, what we are free to do when someone violates our rights does not translate into the freedom to override their rights without justifiable cause.
Second, the obligation to respect others rights to bodily integrity and to life trumps any obligation we have to benefit others. Even if society in general would benefit if the rights of a few people were violated, that would not make violating their rights morally acceptable to any serious defender of human rights. The rights of the individual are not to be sacrificed in the name of promoting the general welfare. This is what it means to affirm our rights. It is also why the basic moral rights we possess, as the individuals we are, have the great moral importance that they do.
Why the Benefits Argument Begs the Question
Once we understand why, given the logic of moral rights, respect for the rights of individuals takes priority over any obligation we might have to benefit others, we can understand why the Benefits Argument fails to justify vivisection on nonhuman animals. Clearly, all that the Benefits Argument can show is that vivisection on nonhuman animals benefits human beings. What this argument cannot show is that vivisecting animals for this purpose is morally justified. And it cannot show this because the benefits humans derive from vivisection are irrelevant to the question of animals rights. We cannot show that animals have no right to life, for example, because we benefit from using them in experiments that take their life.
It will not suffice here for advocates of the Benefits Argument to insist that there are no alternatives to vivisection that will yield as many human benefits. Not only is this reply more than a little disingenuous, since the greatest impediment to developing new scientifically valid non animal alternatives, and to using those that already exist, is the hold that the ideology of vivisection currently has on medical researchers and those who fund them. In addition, this reply fails to address the substantive moral issues. Whether animals have rights is not a question that can be answered by saying how much vivisection benefits human beings. No matter how great the human benefits might be, the practice is morally wrong if animals have rights that vivisection violates.
But do animals have any rights? The best way to answer this question is to begin with an actual case of human vivisection.
The Children of Willowbrook
Willowbrook State Hospital was a mental hospital located in Staten Island, one of New York Citys five boroughs. For fifteen years, from 1956 to 1971, under the leadership of New York University Professor Saul Krugman, hospital staff conducted a series of viral hepatitis experiments on thousands of the hospitals severely retarded children, some as young as three years old. Among the research questions asked: Could injections of gamma globulin (a complex protein extracted from blood serum) produce long term immunity to the hepatitis virus?
What better way to find the answer, Dr. Krugman decided, than to separate the children in one of his experiments into two groups. In the one, children were fed the live hepatitis virus and given an injection of gamma globulin, which Dr. Krugman believed would produce immunity; in the other, children were fed the virus but received no injection. In both cases, the virus was obtained from the feces of other Willowbrook children who suffered from the disease. Parents were asked to sign a release form that would permit their children to be given the benefit of this new preventive.
The results of the experiment were instrumental in leading Dr. Krugman to conclude that hepatitis is not a single disease transmitted by a single virus; there are, he confirmed, at least two distinct viruses that transmit the disease, what today we know as hepatitis A and hepatitis B.
Everyone agrees that many people have benefited from this knowledge and the therapies Dr. Krugmans research made possible. Some question the necessity of his research, citing the comparable findings that Baruch Blumberg made by analyzing blood antigens in his laboratory, where no children were put at risk of grievous harm. But even if we assume that Dr. Krugmans results could not have been achieved without experimenting on his uncomprehending subjects, what he did was wrong.
The purpose of his research, after all, was not to benefit each of the children. If that was his objective, he would not have withheld injections of gamma globulin from half of them. Those children certainly could not be counted among the intended beneficiaries. (Thus the misleading nature of the parental release form: not all the children were given the benefit of this new preventive). Instead, the purpose of the experiment was possibly to benefit some of the children (the ones who received the injections) and to gain information that would benefit other people in the future.
No serious advocate of human rights can accept the moral propriety of Dr. Krugmans actions. By intentionally infecting all the children in his experiment, he put each of them at risk of serious harm. And by withholding the suspected means of preventing the disease from half the children, he violated their rights (not to mention those of their parents) twice over: first, by willfully injuring their body; second, by risking their very life. This grievous breach of ethics finds no justification in the benefits others derived. To violate the moral rights of the few is never justified by adding the benefits for the many.
The Basis of Human Rights
Those who deny that animals have rights frequently emphasize the uniqueness of human beings. We not only write poetry and compose symphonies, read history and solve math problems; we also understand our own mortality and make moral choices. Other animals do none of these things. That is why we have rights and they do not.
This way of thinking overlooks the fact that many human beings do not read history or solve math problems, do not understand their own mortality or make moral choices. The profoundly retarded children Dr. Krugman used in his research are a case in point. If possession of the moral rights to bodily integrity and life depended on understanding ones mortality or making moral choices, for example, then those children lacked these rights. In their case, therefore, there would be no protective shield, no invisible No Trespassing sign that limited what others were free to do to them. Lacking the protection rights afford, there would not have been anything about the moral status of the children themselves that prohibited Dr. Krugman from injuring their bodies, taking their life, or putting them at risk of serious harm. Lacking the protection rights afford, Dr. Krugman did not indeed, he could not have done anything wrong to the children. Again, this is not a position any serious advocate of human rights can accept. But what is there about those of us reading these words, on the one hand, and the children of Willowbrook, on the other, that can help us understand how they can have the same rights we claim for ourselves? Where will we find the basis of our moral equality? Not in the ability to write poetry, make moral choices, and the like. Not in human biology, including facts about the genetic make-up humans share. All humans are (in some sense) biologically the same. But biological facts are indifferent to moral truths. Who has what genes has no moral relevance to who has what rights. Whatever else is in doubt, this we know.
But if not in some advanced cognitive capacity or genetic similarity, then where might we find the basis of our equality? Any plausible answer must begin with the obvious: The differences between the children of Willowbrook and those who read these words are many and varied. We do not denigrate these children when we say that our life has a richness that theirs lacked. Few among us would trade our life for theirs, even if we could.
Still, as important as these differences are, they should not obscure the similarities. For, like us, these children were the subjects of a life, their life, a life that was experientially better or worse for the child whose life it was. Like us, each child was a unique somebody, not a replaceable something. True, they lacked the ability to read and to make moral choices, for example. Nevertheless, what was done to these children, both what they experienced and what they were deprived of, mattered to them, as the individuals they were, just as what is done to us, when we are harmed, matters to us.
In this respect, as the subjects of a life, we and the children of Willowbrook are the same, are equal. Only in this case, our sameness, our equality is important morally. Logically, we cannot claim that harms done to us matter morally, but that harms done to these children do not. Relevantly similar cases must be judged similarly. This is among the first principles of rational thought, a principle that has immediate application here. Logically, we cannot claim our rights to bodily integrity and to life, then deny these same rights in the case of the children. Without a doubt, the children of Willowbrook had rights, if we do.
Why Animals Have Rights
We routinely divide the world into animals, vegetables, minerals. Ameba and paramecia are not vegetables or minerals; they are animals. No one engaged in the vivisection debate thinks that the use of such simple animals poses a vexing moral question. By contrast, everyone engaged in the debate recognizes that using nonhuman primates must be assessed morally. All parties to the debate, therefore, must ?draw a line? somewhere between the simplest forms of animate life and the most complex, a line that marks the boundary between those animals that do, and those that do not, matter morally.
One way to avoid some of the controversies in this quarter is to follow Charles Darwins lead. When he compares (these are his words) the Mental Powers of Man and the Lower Animals,? Darwin restricts his comparison to humans and nonhuman mammals.
His reasons for doing so depend in part on structural considerations. In all essential respects, these animals are physiologically like us, and we, like them. Now, in our case, an intact, functioning central nervous system is associated with our capacity for subjective experience. For example, injuries to our brain or spinal cord can diminish our sense of sight or touch, or impair our ability to feel pain or remember. By analogy, Darwin thinks it is reasonable to infer that the same is true of animals who are most physiologically similar to us. Because our central nervous system provides the physical basis for our subjective awareness of the world, and because the central nervous system of other mammals resembles ours in all the relevant respects, it is reasonable to believe that their central nervous system provides the physical basis for their subjective awareness.
Of course, if attributing subjective awareness to nonhuman mammals was at odds with the implications of evolutionary theory, or if this made their behavior inexplicable, Darwin?s position would need to be abandoned. But just the opposite is true. That these animals are subjectively present in the world, Darwin understands, is required by evolutionary theory. And far from making their behavior inexplicable, their behavior is parsimoniously explained by referring to their mental capacities.
For example, these animals enjoy some things and find others painful. Not surprisingly, they act accordingly, seeking to find the former and avoid the latter. Moreover, both humans and other mammals share a family of cognitive abilities (we both are able to learn from experience, remember the past, anticipate the future) as well as a variety of emotions (Darwin lists fear, jealousy, and sadness). Not surprisingly, again, these mental capacities play a role in how they behave. For example, other mammals will behave one way rather than another because they remember which ways of acting had pleasant outcomes in the past, or because they are afraid or sad. Concluding his comparison of the mental faculties of humans and ?the higher animals? (by which he means other mammals), Darwin writes: ?[T]he difference in mind between man and the higher animals . . . is one of degree and not of kind? (The Descent of Man, Chapter IV).
The psychological complexity of mammals (henceforth animals, unless otherwise indicated) plays an important role in arguing for their rights. Just as it is true in our case, so is it true in theirs: they are the subjects of a life, their life, a life that is experientially better or worse for the one whose life it is. Each is a unique somebody, not a replaceable something. True (like the children of Willowbrook), they lack the ability to read, write, or make moral choices. Nevertheless, what is done to animals, both what they experience and what they are deprived of, matters to them, as the individuals they are, just as what was to done to the children of Willowbrook, when they were harmed, mattered to them.
In this respect, as the subjects of a life, animals are our equals. And in this case, our sameness, our equality, is important morally. Logically, we cannot maintain that harms done to us matter morally, but that harms done to animals do not matter morally. Relevantly similar cases must be judged similarly. As was noted earlier, this is among the first principles of rational thought, and one that again has immediate application here. Logically, we cannot claim our rights to bodily integrity and life, or claim these same rights for the children of Willowbrook, then deny them when it comes to animals. Without a doubt, animals have rights, if humans do.
Some Objections, Some Replies
Many are the objections raised against animal rights. While each is well intended, none withstands critical examination. It is to be recalled that the rights in question are the moral rights to bodily integrity and to life. Here, briefly, are the most important objections and my replies.
1. Objection: Animals do not understand what rights are. Therefore, they have no rights.
Reply: The children of Willowbrook, all children for that matter, do not understand what rights are. Yet we do not deny rights in their case, for this reason. To be consistent, we cannot deny rights for animals, for this reason .
2. Objection: Animals do not respect our rights. For example, lions sometimes kill innocent people. Therefore, they have no rights.
Reply: Children sometimes kill innocent people. Yet we do not deny rights in their case, for this reason. To be consistent, we cannot deny rights for animals, for this reason.
3. Objection: Animals do not respect the rights of other animals. For example, lions kill wildebeests. Therefore, they have no rights.
Reply: Children do not always respect the rights of other children; sometimes they kill them. Yet we do not deny rights in their case, for this reason. To be consistent, we cannot deny rights for animals, for this reason.
4. Objection: If animals have rights, it follows that we will need to make arrangements for them to vote, marry, file for divorce, and immigrate, for example, which is absurd. Therefore, animals have no rights.
Reply: Yes, this is absurd; but these absurdities do not follow from claiming rights to life and bodily integrity in the case of animals any more than they follow from recognizing the rights of the children of Willowbrook, for example.
5. Objection: If animals have rights, then mosquitoes and roaches have rights. This would make it wrong to kill them, which is absurd. Therefore, animals have no rights.
Reply: Not all animals have rights because some animals do. In particular, neither mosquitoes nor roaches have the kind of physiological complexity associated with being a subject of a life. In their, case, therefore, we have no good reason to believe that they have rights, even while we have abundantly good reason to believe that other animals (mammals in particular) do.
6. Objection: If animals have rights, then so do plants, which is absurd.
Therefore, animals have no rights.
Reply: Plant rights do not follow from animal rights. We have no reason to believe, and abundant reason to deny, that carrots and cabbages are subjects of a life. We have abundantly good reason to believe, and no good reason to deny, that mammals are. That is the morally relevant difference. In claiming rights for animals, therefore, we are not committed to claiming rights for plants.
7. Objection: Human beings are closer to us than animals are; we have
special relations to them. Therefore, animals have no rights.
Reply: We do have special relations to humans that we do not have to other animals. We also have special relations to our family and friends that we do not have to other human beings. But we do not conclude that other humans do not have rights, for this reason. To be consistent, we cannot deny rights for animals, for this reason.
8. Objection: Only human beings live in a moral community where rights are understood. Therefore, all human beings, and only human beings, have rights.
Reply: At least among terrestrial forms of life, only human beings live in a moral community in which rights are understood. But it does not follow that only human beings have rights. It is also true that, at least among terrestrial forms of life, only human beings live in a scientific community in which genes are understood. But we do not conclude that therefore only human beings have genes. Neither should we conclude that only human beings have rights.
9. Objection: Animals have some rights to bodily integrity and life, but the rights they have are not equal to human rights. Therefore, human vivisection is wrong, but animal vivisection is not.
Reply: This objection begs the question; it does not answer it. What morally relevant reason is there for thinking that humans have greater rights than animals? Certainly it cannot be any of the reasons examined in 1-8. But if not any of them, then what? The argument does not say.
The objections just reviewed have been considered because they are the most important, not because they are the least convincing. Their failure, individually and collectively, goes some way towards suggesting the logical inadequacy of the anti-animal rights position. Morality is not mathematics certainly. In morality, there are no proofs like those we find in geometry. What we can find, and what we must live with, are principles and values that have the best reasons, the best arguments on their side. The principles and values that pass this test, whether most people accept them or not, are the ones that should guide our lives. Given this reasonable standard, the principles and values of animal rights should guide our lives.
As was noted at the outset, animals are used in laboratories for three main purposes: education, product safety testing, and experimentation, harmful nontherapeutic experimentation in particular. Of the three, the latter has been the object of special consideration. However, the implications for the remaining purposes should be obvious. Any time any animals rights are violated in pursuit of benefits for others, what is done is wrong. It is conceivable that some uses of animals for educational purposes (for example, having students observe the behavior of injured animals when they are returned to their natural habitat) might be justified. By contrast, it is not conceivable that using animals in product testing can be. Harming animals to establish what is safe for humans is an exercise in power, not morality. In the moral universe, animals are not our tasters, we are not their kings.
The implications of animal rights for vivisection are both clear and uncompromising. Vivisection is morally wrong. It should never have begun, and, like all great evils, it ought to end, the sooner, the better. To reply (again) that there are no alternatives not only misses the point, it is false. It misses the point because it assumes that the benefits humans derive from vivisection are derived morally when they are not. And it is false because, apart from using already existing and developing new non animal research techniques, there is another, more fundamental alternative to vivisection. This is to stop doing it. When all is said and done, the only adequate moral response to vivisection is empty cages, not larger cages.
95 percent of the victims of violence are men. Because women feel flattered when men fight each other and kill each other to prove that they are real men.
Houston, Texas: Facts About Sulfur Mustard
Jess K. Vega 3550 Grey Fox Farm Road Houston, TX 77063
What sulfur mustard is
Sulfur mustard is a type of chemical warfare agent. These kinds of agents cause blistering of the skin and mucous membranes on contact. They are called vesicants or blistering agents.
Sulfur mustard is also known as â€œmustard gas or mustard agent,â€ or by the military designations H, HD, and HT.
Sulfur mustard sometimes smells like garlic, onions, or mustard and sometimes has no odor. It can be a vapor (the gaseous form of a liquid), an oily-textured liquid, or a solid.
Sulfur mustard can be clear to yellow or brown when it is in liquid or solid form.
Where sulfur mustard is found and how it is used
Sulfur mustard is not found naturally in the environment.
Sulfur mustard was introduced in World War I as a chemical warfare agent. Historically it was available for use in the treatment of a skin condition called psoriasis. Today it has no medical use.
How people can be exposed to sulfur mustard
If sulfur mustard is released into the air as a vapor, people can be exposed through skin contact, eye contact, or breathing. Sulfur mustard vapor can be carried long distances by wind.
If sulfur mustard is released into water, people can be exposed by drinking the contaminated water or getting it on their skin.
People can be exposed to liquid sulfur mustard by eating it or getting it on their skin.
Sulfur mustard can last from 1 to 2 days in the environment under average weather conditions and from weeks to months under very cold conditions.
Sulfur mustard breaks down slowly in the body, so repeated exposure may have a cumulative effect (that is, it can build up in the body).
How sulfur mustard works
Adverse health effects caused by sulfur mustard depend on how much people are exposed to, how they were exposed (the route of exposure), and the length of time that people are exposed.
Sulfur mustard is a powerful irritant and blistering agent that damages the skin, eyes, and respiratory (breathing) tract.
Sulfur mustard damages DNA, a vital component of cells in the body, especially in the bone marrow. This causes decreased formation of blood cells (aplastic anemia) or decreased red or white blood cells and platelets (pancytopenia).
Sulfur mustard vapor is heavier than air, so it will settle in low-lying areas.
Immediate signs and symptoms of sulfur mustard exposure
Exposure to sulfur mustard usually is not fatal. When sulfur mustard was used during World War I, it killed fewer than 5% of the people who were exposed and got medical care.
People may not know right away that they have been exposed, because sulfur mustard may not have a smell or have a smell that might not cause alarm.
Typically, signs and symptoms do not occur immediately. Depending on the severity of the exposure, symptoms may not occur for up to 24 hours. Some people are more sensitive to sulfur mustard than are other people, and may have signs and symptoms sooner.
Sulfur mustard can have the following effects on specific parts of the body:
Skin: redness and itching of the skin may occur 2 to 48 hours after exposure and may eventually change to yellow blistering of the skin.
Eyes: irritation, pain, swelling, and tearing may occur within 3 to 12 hours of a mild to moderate exposure. A severe exposure may cause signs and symptoms within 1 to 2 hours and may include the symptoms of a mild or moderate exposure plus light sensitivity, severe pain, or blindness lasting up to 10 days.
Respiratory tract: runny nose, sneezing, hoarseness, bloody nose, sinus pain, shortness of breath, and cough within 12 to 24 hours of a mild exposure and within 2 to 4 hours of a severe exposure.
Digestive tract: abdominal pain, diarrhea, fever, nausea, and vomiting.
Bone marrow: decreased formation of blood cells (aplastic anemia) or decreased red or white blood cells and platelets (pancytopenia) leading to weakness, bleeding and infections.
Showing these signs and symptoms does not necessarily mean that a person has been exposed to sulfur mustard.
What the long-term health effects may be
Exposure to sulfur mustard liquid is more likely to produce second- and third- degree burns and later scarring than is exposure to sulfur mustard vapor. Extensive skin burning can be fatal.
Extensive breathing in of the vapors can cause chronic respiratory disease, repeated respiratory infections, or death.
Extensive eye exposure can cause permanent blindness.
Exposure to sulfur mustard may increase a personâ€™s risk for lung and respiratory cancer.
How people can protect themselves and what they should do if they are exposed to sulfur mustard
Because no antidote exists for sulfur mustard exposure, the best thing to do is avoid it. Immediately leave the area where the sulfur mustard was released. Try to find higher ground, because sulfur mustard is heavier than air and will settle in low-lying areas.
If avoiding sulfur mustard exposure is not possible, rapidly remove the sulfur mustard from the body. Getting the sulfur mustard off as soon as possible after exposure is the only effective way to prevent or decrease tissue damage to the body.
Quickly remove any clothing that has liquid sulfur mustard on it. If possible, seal the clothing in a plastic bag, and then seal that bag inside a second plastic bag.
Immediately wash any exposed part of the body (eyes, skin, etc.) thoroughly with plain, clean water. Eyes need to be flushed with water for 5 to 10 minutes. Do NOT cover eyes with bandages, but do protect them with dark glasses or goggles.
If someone has ingested sulfur mustard, do NOT induce vomiting. Give the person some water or milk to drink, if they can swallow.
Seek medical attention right away.
How sulfur mustard exposure is treated
The most important factor is removing sulfur mustard from the body. Exposure to sulfur mustard is treated by giving the victim supportive medical care to minimize the effects of the exposure. Though no antidote exists for sulfur mustard, exposure is usually not fatal.
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Meadville, Pennsylvania: Handbook of child and adolescent sexuality : developmental and forensic psychology
Shaun S. Smith 4132 Coal Street Meadville, PA 16335
Adolescent and child sexuality is studied by developmental psychologists from a research perspective, and is of interest to forensic psychologists dealing with abuse and custody issues as well as rape cases. In many cases it is of interest whether the child in question was sexually active, to understand the extent to which an underage minor might have voluntarily participated in sexual activity as opposed to having been coerced. Previously researchers interested in the applications of their research needed to look to separate books, and forensic specialists needed to look to development books to find the information they may have needed. This handbook provides both audiences with the related information they need. It encompasses normative behavior and clinical disorders in one source. It applies the information on development and behavior to forensic issues. It provides treatment information on sexual disorders in children. It provides information on children and adolescents in one volume.
Hempstead, New York: Cryogenically frozen brains will be 'woken up' and transplanted in donor bodies within three years, claims surgeon
Ivan M. Madewell 4454 Stanley Avenue Hempstead, NY 11550
People who have had their brains cryogenically frozen could be 'woken up' within three years, a pioneering Italian surgeon has claimed.
Professor Sergio Canavero, Director of the Turin Advanced Neuromodulation Group, is aiming to carry out the first human head transplant within 10 months and then wants to begin trials on brain transplants.
If the procedures are successful, he believes that frozen brains could be thawed and inserted into a donor body.
Hundreds of people who are dying or paralysed have had their bodies or brains cryogenically preserved in the hope that medical science will be able to bring them back to life and cure their conditions.
Although many experts are sceptical that huge organs like the brain can be thawed without damage, Prof Canavero said he believes the first frozen head could soon be resurrected.
Speaking to the German magazine Ooom, he said he planned to awaken patients frozen by the Alcor Life Extension Foundation which is based in Arizona.
"We will try to bring the first of the company's patients back to life, not in 100 years. As soon as the first human head transplant has taken place, i.e. no later than 2018, we will be able to attempt to reawaken the first frozen head," said Prof Canavero.
"We are currently planning the world's first brain transplant, and I consider it realistic that we will be ready in three years at the latest.
"A brain transplant has many advantages. First, there is barely any immune reaction,which means the problem of rejection does not exist.
"The brain is, in a manner of speaking, a neutral organ. If you transplant a head with vessels, nerves, tendons and muscles, rejection can pose a massive problem. This is not the case with the brain."
However Prof Canavero admitted that there could be physical and psychological problems which come with putting a brain in an entirely different body.
"What many be problematic, is that no aspect of your original external body remains the same. Your head is no longer there; your brain is transplanted into an entirely different skull.
"It creates a new situation that will certainly not be easy."
However British scientists are skeptical about whether frozen organs as complex as the brain could ever be fully restored. When the High Court last year ruled that teenage girl could be cryogenically preserved, experts said the chances of revival were "infinitesimal".
Clive Coen, Professor of Neuroscience at King's College London, said: "The advocates of cryogenics are unable to cite any study in which a whole mammalian brain, let alone a whole mammalian body, has been resuscitated after storage in liquid nitrogen.
Even if reviving that body were possible - it isn't - all the complicated organs would have been wrecked from the start, and warming them up again would wreck them further.
Irreversible damage is caused during the process of taking the mammalian brain into sub-zero temperatures. The wishful thinking engendered by cryogenics companies is irresponsible."
Prof Canavero is working with a Chinese team of doctors led by Dr Xiaoping Ren, of Harbin Medical Centre who helped perform the first successful hand transplantation in the US. The technology to carry out the world's first head transplant is expected to be in place by the end of the year, and then the team will then need to find a suitable donor body.
Although Russian computer scientist Valery Spiridonov, who suffers spinal muscular atrophy, had volunteered to become the first head transplant patient, the team have since said the first trial is likely to be carried out on someone who is Chinese, because the chance of a Chinese donor body will be higher. Prof Canavero said a 'high number' of people had volunteered for the transplant.
Last year, the team announced they had successfully carried out a head transplant on a monkey, and released images from the procedure.
Prof Canavero said if the human head transplant works, it could have fundamental implications for human consciousness and even religion.
"In a few months we will sever a body from a head in an umprecedented medical procedure. In this phase, there is no life activity, not in the brain, not anywhere else in the body.
"If we bring this patient back to life we will receive the first real account of what actually happens after death. The head transplant gives us the first insight into whether there is an afterlife, a heaven, a hearafter.
"If we are able to prove that our brain does not create consciousness, religions will be swept away forever. They will no longer be necessary, as humans no longer need to be afraid of death. We no longer need a Catholic Church, no Judaisim, and no Islam because religions in general will be obsolete.
"It will be a turning point in human history."
The exclusive interview can be read in full in Saturday's edition of Ooom.
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Chattanooga, Tennesse: Agency condemns plan to lower age of consent
John R. Lopez 2886 Corbin Branch Road Chattanooga, TN 37408
Reducing the consent age for sex age from 18 to 16 will increase rape or sexual assault cases in Kenya, Nyanza Initiative for Girls' Education & Empowerment (NIGEE) founder Dr Kawango Agot has warned. She said the gains made in fighting HIV/Aids and teenage pregnancies are about to be washed down the drain if the legislators reduce the age of consent. Leading a peaceful demonstration to condemn the proposed amendment to the Sexual Offences Act, Agot said Kenya has selfish leaders. She said the matter was being handled reluctantly by politicians, yet they were putting a lot of energy in debating how they will retain power. "The sexual Offense Act is more important than politics. It is about our future. But the people we elected are not concerned about what affects Kenyans," she said.
Leading a peaceful demonstration to condemn the proposed amendment to the Sexual Offences Act, Agot said Kenya has selfish leaders. She said the matter was being handled reluctantly by politicians, yet they were putting a lot of energy in debating how they will retain power.
Leading a peaceful demonstration to condemn the proposed amendment to the Sexual Offences Act, Agot said Kenya has selfish leaders. She said the matter was being handled reluctantly by politicians, yet they were putting a lot of energy in debating how they will retain power.
The world is full of multimillionaires who can't handle money. Because, if you have money, the first thing you spend it on, is independence.
Boone, North Carolina: Secret Service officer caught in online pedophile sting gets 20 years, lifetime supervision
Thomas C. Flora 1309 McVaney Road Boone, North Carolina 28607
Following the high-profile case of Anthony Weiner, the U.S. Attorneys' Offices have successfully prosecuted another case under the Project Safe Childhood initiative.
A former Secret Service officer has been sentenced to 20 years in prison, followed by a lifetime of supervised release, for conducting sexual conversations with a minor and attempting the exchange of explicit images.
Lee Robert Moore, 38, of Church Hill, Md., pleaded guilty March 1, 2017, after Delaware State Police with the Delaware Child Predator Task Force had sexual chats online with Moore, at times when he was a work, and were requested to send him explicit photos while posing as a 14-year-old girl.
As part of the investigation, law enforcement found Moore maintained social media profiles for similar behavior, including the sending of sexual images, with a 14-year-old girl in Texas and another 17-year-old girl in Missouri.
Moore was assigned to the White House by the Secret Service at the time of his 2015 arrest, and was terminated from his position as he was held in custody since that time.
Project Safe Childhood was launched in May 2006 by the Department of Justice to use federal, state and local resources to better locate, apprehend and prosecute individuals exploiting children via the Internet, as well as identify and rescue victims.
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